Publication of Men, Suicide and Society

Another CRFR blog I wrote, this one in September 2012, reflecting on the media coverage following the publication of the Men, Suicide and Society report. For some reason (?!) I don’t think I ever submitted this, so nice to have somewhere to put it now. The experience of having academic work I’d spent months on interpreted for the mass media was certainly interesting, to say the least. The response I liked most was a column by Catherine Bennett in the Guardian, which you can see here.

On 20th September 2012 a report was published by the Samaritans titled Men, Suicide and Society. This report was co-authored by a group of economists, psychologists and sociologists, including myself and Julie Brownlie, a CRFR associated researcher. In the report, we set out to explore the reasons why men in midlife, from deprived backgrounds were more likely than any other group to complete suicide. The report was partly designed to highlight the greater risk faced by this group of men, in contrast to the more usual focus on suicide among younger men. Findings from the report were covered widely in the media, with articles appearing in the Telegraph, Guardian, Daily Mail, on the BBC, and on ITN.

My section of the report examined how social scientific work on masculinity might help to explain why this group of men are so vulnerable to suicide. However, the overall report was multi-faceted, developing a number of potentially important explanations including: psychological aspects; the impact of relationship breakdown; differences in emotional communication; and the impact of socio-economic disadvantage, recession and unemployment.

I drew together a range of qualitative research which had examined the particular experiences and accounts of men, often living in conditions of economic disadvantage. I argued that these accounts indicated that for men, in mid-life, from lower-socioeconomic groups, the constraints and rigours of hegemonic masculinity (or a ‘gold standard’ of masculinity as in the media-friendly press release) might be particularly damaging. I was more cautious as to why this might be the case, though I suggested that a lack of material and cultural resources might contribute. The group of men who are currently in mid-life, as argued in Julie Brownlie’s section of the report, might be especially vulnerable because a) they have lived through huge changes in the nature of the labour market (crudely, the move from ‘masculine’ heavy manufacture and industry, to ‘feminine’ service professions); and b) they have lived through a change in expectations about emotional literacy (caught between the stoicism of their fathers, and the –apparently – greater openness of their sons).

One issue that was overlooked in most (though not all) of the media coverage, was that the restrictive masculinities discussed in the report impact negatively on everyone, not just men in this particular social group. For instance, although we characterise young men as relatively more emotionally liberated, there is evidence that men and women of all ages have different attitudes towards emotional expression and help-seeking; and men of all ages are more likely to complete suicide.

The implications of the report are far-reaching, suggesting that restrictive gender identities in general should be challenged, among people of all ages. Boys and girls should be encouraged and supported to explore diverse ways of being and becoming men and women. While including gender awareness teaching on the curriculum in schools would be a good start, changes need to be made across society (2014 edit: so, not really asking for much then?!).

Personal troubles and public issues: Suicide among disadvantaged men in mid-life and the importance of sociology

Suicide and society

BBC Newsnight ran a story on 5th March 2013 exploring the reasons why men in the UK are around three times more likely to complete suicide than women. As well as gender, other social factors affect suicide rates, particularly age and socio-economic position. While suicide is the leading cause of death for men aged 30-44, the suicide rate among men aged 45-59 has been “increasing significantly” since 2007 (ONS 2013) becoming almost equal to the 30-44 year old rate. The group of men most likely to die by suicide is men in mid-life (aged 35-54) in the lowest socio-economic group, a fact highlighted in a report published by Samaritans last year.

The Newsnight programme featured the work of both Samaritans and CALM (The Campaign Against Living Miserably), as well as including powerful testimony from men who had experienced suicidal thoughts, and the family of a man who had completed suicide. Much of the discussion focused on the difficulties faced by men in acknowledging distress and seeking help. Barriers include ‘masculine’ ideas about appropriate behaviour, especially around communicating about distress; the design of mental health services; and wider stigma about mental ill-health. In light of these barriers, it was heartening to see suicide among men discussed so openly and in such a public setting. It was encouraging also to see the involvement of a range of professionals, perspectives and views.

What the programme also showcased (albeit not explicitly) was the importance of sociological perspectives in contributing to understanding suicide. The discussion demonstrated the extremely wide-ranging factors that impact on suicide among men including: economic hardship, changing labour markets, relationship breakdown, drug and alcohol use, socially proscribed expectations of what men and women should do, as well as mental ill-health. Many of these issues are explored in detail, using sociological approaches, in a report from Samaritans, which I contributed to: Men, Suicide and Society (2012). The report argued that the complex nature of suicide necessitates wide-ranging attempts at explanation, which go beyond clinical or psychiatric perspectives which – while important – have historically dominated suicidology.

Suicide research, policy and practice should incorporate a similarly wide disciplinary lens; and suicide prevention strategies too need to be wide-ranging. Although suicide is very much a ‘personal trouble’ it is also an inherently ‘public issue’ (Mills 1959). As such, policy and practice in a range of areas can and do impact on suicide. It already appears that the current economic climate is impacting negatively on rates of suicide, particularly among men living in areas with high rates of unemployment (Barr et al., 2012). These ‘public issues’ will not be solved by improvements in mental health services alone; but require bolder action in terms of addressing gender inequalities and gendered expectations of men and women, tackling socioeconomic inequalities, reducing social isolation, and improving the chances that men and women have of living fulfilled and content lives.

References and Resources

Barr, B., Taylor-Robinson, D., Scott-Samuel, A., McKee, M. and Stuckler, D. (2012), ‘Suicides associated with the 2008-10 economic recession in England: time trend analysis’, BMJ, 13, 345.

Mills, C. W. (1959) The Sociological Imagination New York, Oxford University Press

ONS (2013) Suicides in the United Kingdom 2011

Samaritans (2012) Men, Suicide and Society, why disadvantaged men in mid-life die by suicide